Historical Context
Key Literary Figures
Popular Protest
Revolutionary Internationalism
Experiments in Revolutionary Literature
Lail-o-Nihar | لیل و نہار
Lail-o-Nihar | لیل و نہار
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This tool is intermittently updated to integrate new information sent to the authors.
27 April 2023
In 1957, Mian Iftikharuddin’s publishing house, Progressive Papers Limited, began to produce a weekly magazine called Lail-o-Nihar. One of the magazine’s first editors was the renowned writer Syed Sibte Hassan while author Faiz Ahmed Faiz was its Chief Editor. Both individuals and the founder belonged to the left-wing intellectual group in Pakistan, commonly known as the Progressive Writers Association. However, despite his political inclinations, Mian Iftikharuddin never imposed his ideologies upon the editors.
For instance, right-wing columnist Abdul Qadir Hasan was given autonomy over the thematic concerns of his publications and, consequently, could publish articles that did not have communist or socialist undertones. Hence, on the one hand, several editors of Lail-o-Nihar supported the ideology of socialism and were staunchly against American imperialism. Therefore, several articles found in the magazine propagated beliefs that the Progressive Writers Association widely held. In contrast, intermittently, one could find literature on religious and nationalistic sentiments.
Over the next few years, several reputable Urdu authors wrote for the magazine. This list includes Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, Ishfaq Ahmed, and Sufi Ghulam Mustafa Tabassum. Similarly, Lail-o-Nihar covered a wide range of topics, from film reviews to reports on nationwide protests. However, the magazine underwent a sudden transformation in 1958. When President Ayub Khan declared Martial Law across Pakistan, he banned all left-wing activities. As a result, armed forces raided Progressive Papers Limited and nationalized all its publications, including Lail-o-Nahar. Moreover, left-oriented editors were arrested, including Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Zaheer Babar. During Ayub’s regime, the magazine ceased publication as most writers were imprisoned or in exile.
In this teaching tool, the authors have expanded and translated various articles that were published in four issues of Lail-o-Nihar, which was released in 1970. The first section of the tool provides context to the time in which the magazine was published and provides historicity into the political unrest that plagued Pakistan at the time. Simultaneously, it also highlights brief biographies of the primary editors of the magazine. The second section analyzes the articles that highlight revolutionary movements across the globe, including those in Palestine and Eritrea. Thirdly, the teaching tool explores the depiction and reportage of local protests, such as student riots and the mobilization of farmers. The last section covers how the magazine propagated revolutionary ideology through literature.
A Holistic Overview
Faiz Ahmed Faiz at inauguration of Lail-o-Nihar. Source: Chughtai Public Library
In order to understand the articles and art forms depicted in Lail-o-Nihar, it is crucial first to understand the context in which the authors were writing. Therefore, this section begins with a brief overview of the historical and political environment that led to mass unrest in the 1970s. Furthermore, just as the socio-cultural context informed the writing of the time, the political standing and personal experiences of the editors significantly influenced their work. Hence, one must study the history of the country, as well as the backgrounds of the authors, to better affiliate themselves with Lail-o-Nihar.
Historical and Political Context (1947-1971)
In 1947, British Rule of the Subcontinent came to an end in what is known as The Great Divide or, more commonly, Partition. The latter terms elude to the split of the region, which resulted in the creation of India and Pakistan. However, geographically, the division gave way to three specific states. The far western part of the subcontinent became known as West Pakistan, the central region evolved into India, and the remaining area became East Pakistan.
Map of West Pakistan, East Pakistan and India, 1947. Source: ResearchGate
Despite being separated by two thousand miles, East and West Pakistan continued to operate as one state due to the Muslim populations residing in the two areas. Unsurprisingly, this was an arduous challenge as the two often clashed on political, religious, and cultural policies. Their disagreements stemmed from the disparities between the local populations, as West Pakistan often disregarded Bengali culture. Contrastingly, East Pakistan embraced its diversity by implementing policies that acknowledged its distinct identity. For instance, in 1955, Bengali was granted the status of a national language after a three-year, state-level struggle. Furthermore, state officials from West Pakistan often regarded the Bengali dress code of a sari and bindi with contempt. For them, the attire resembled the Hindu culture and, therefore, had to be reformed. Over the years, West Pakistan adopted the narrative that “Islam is in danger” in its Eastern counterpart. On the other hand, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Bengalis of East Pakistan began to resist the political and economic disparities of their region. General Ayub Khan’s appointment as President further aggravated the rising discontent in East Pakistan in 1958.
Commander-in-Chief, General Ayub Khan, attained the presidency through a coup d’état against the first President of Pakistan, Iskander Mirza. One of Ayub Khan’s primary concerns was the country’s economic development. However, he implemented policies through a quantitative agenda and a long-term perspective, thus, overlooking the immediate consequences of his regulations. For instance, his directives in the agriculture sector led to a dramatic increase in income disparities nationwide. Similarly, Ayub Khan’s policies led to an increase in prices, thereby reducing the purchasing power of the rupee. As a result, the citizens of Pakistan strongly opposed the new reforms.
Dissatisfaction across Pakistan was evident through the various riots that took place and their correlation with Ayub Khan’s policies. For example, as one of the first acts of the regime, state officials organized a national commission to improve educational opportunities in Pakistan. The report highlighted the shortcomings of the current system and listed potential improvements. However, a census of 1961 revealed that as the literacy of populations increased in the towns of West Pakistan, so did the arrests in the area. Furthermore, many accredit Ayub Khan for resettling over nine million displaced refugees. His Rehabilitation Minister, General Adam Khan, implemented several policies meant to reduce the plight of Partition’s refugees, including the construction of new homes. However, according to data from a consensus, an increase in refugee populations in towns led to a rise in mass arrests. One possible explanation is that the positive assimilation of refugees caused deep-rooted resentment amongst the local populations, instigating violence and unrest. While several policies aided in the nation’s prosperity (such as the restriction of land holdings), several reforms negatively impacted the common man, leading to mass dissent. The mass agitation led to the President’s forced resignation; as a result, General Yahya Khan became President in 1969.
Prior to ’69, Yahya Khan had been a Lieutenant General and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army. Upon accepting the presidency, he declared the country under martial law and positioned himself as the Chief Administrator. Most of his reforms represented attempts at amending the directives implemented by his predecessor (General Ayub Khan). For instance, Yahya Khan’s regime began with the mass arrests of over three hundred senior officials on charges of corruption and misconduct. Similarly, while General Ayub Khan sanctioned a few privileged elites to amass wealth, Yahya Khan established Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices, which represented an attempt at distributing economic power.
However, it is imperative to mention that since the beginning of his presidency, Yahya Khan emphasized his indifference to the role and pledged to hand over the power once “the country had returned to sanity.” He vowed to hold elections on 5th October 1970. These would be the first general elections of the country as prior democrats had exploited the balloting system, leading to the anointment of their preferred President. Furthermore, a new Legal Framework Order was issued in March 1970, outlining the new government’s logistics, hence laying down the foundations for the general elections. Namely, the National Assembly was to have 313 seats, with quotas for each province as well as women. Thus, Yahya Khan’s commitment to reestablishing the National Assembly and Parliament was unprecedented and played a crucial role in the war against East Pakistan.
In 1966, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman released a Six Point Program, which called for equal political and military standing for Bengalis. While Ayub Khan had imprisoned Rahman on the grounds of secession, the latter used it again as a manifesto for the 1970 elections. Due to a high probability of a coalition government, Yahya Khan was reassured of the continuity of a civil-military bureaucracy and abstained from prohibiting the Awami League’s use of Rahman’s Program. The highly sought-after elections were postponed when severe monsoon flooding caused devastation in East Pakistan. The lack of emergency relief from their Western counterpart – despite it being one of the region’s greatest natural catastrophes – fanned the flames of deep-rooted resentment.
The jarring electoral results surpassed all expectations. Under Mujib-ur-Rehman, the Awami League dominated the polls and won 167 seats out of 169. Therefore, while Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party won a majority in the west, they failed to obtain a single seat in the east. As Mujib-ur-Rehman remained steadfast in his manifesto, Yahya Khan and Bhutto became wary of the potential domination of the Awami League. Consequently, the President postponed the National Assembly, which was condemned by all Bengalis. Over the following months, Yahya Khan, along with other state officials, traveled to Dacca. The talks yielded positive results for East Pakistan as state officials agreed to several of their demands, including autonomy for the province. However, Bhutto refused to accept the proclamation and reverted to doubt the leadership of Yahya Khan. Cognizant of the increasing dissent, Yahya Khan and his Lieutenant General Tikka Khan now categorized the Bengali demands as attempts for a forced secession. In response, Bengali students mobilized and began acts of resistance on 23rd March.
On 25th March, Pakistan Army began firing on Dacca University, thus, marking the beginning of the war of liberation. This was followed by Yahya Khan’s address to the nation, whereupon he denounced Mujib-ur-Rehman and the Awami League. Soon a guerrilla war broke out as India and the Mukti Bandi group supported the East Pakistanis in an armed struggle against the Pakistani Army called “Operation Searchlight.” The latter surrendered on 16th December 1971, giving way to the emergence of Bangladesh.
Bibliography
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Burki, Shahid Javed. “Ayub’s Fall: A Socio-Economic Explanation.” Asian Survey, vol. 12, no. 3, 1972, pp. 201–212., https://doi.org/10.2307/2642873.
Choudhury, G. W. “Pakistan under General Ayub.” Current History, vol. 40, no. 235, 1961, pp. 159–163., https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1961.40.235.159.
“Faiz Ahmad Faiz Quotes (Author of Nuskha Ha-e Wafa / نسخہ ہائے وفا).” Goodreads, www.goodreads.com/author/quotes/268101.Faiz_Ahmad_Faiz#:~:text=“The%20first%20rule%20of%20translation,one%20of%20the%20bloody%20languages!”&text=If%20reunion%20is%20impossible%2C%20then%20longing%20must%20take%20its%20place.”. Accessed 10 May 2023.
“Faiz Ahmed Faiz at Inauguration of Lail-o-Nihar” Magazine, London, 1968.” Chughtai Public Library, www.chughtailibrary.com/digital_library/repository_detail.php?id=30838. Accessed 10 May 2023.
Haider, Murtaza. “What They Never Tell Us about Ayub Khan’s Regime.” DAWN.COM, 5 Nov. 2016, https://www.dawn.com/news/1293604.
Haq, Syed Nomanul. “River in the Drop: The Progressive Writers’ Movement.” Herald Magazine, 23 June 2017, herald.dawn.com/news/1153770/river-in-the-drop-the-progressive-writers-movement.
Irfan, Shahid. “Faiz Ahmad Faiz: A Legend Urdu Poet.” Urdu Writers, 27 Feb. 2023, theurduwriters.com/faiz-ahmad-faiz/.
Jones, Reece. “A Map of Political Divisions in South Asia. from 1947 until 1971 East …” ResearchGate, www.researchgate.net/figure/A-map-of-political-divisions-in-South-Asia-From-1947-until-1971-East-Pakistan-was-part_fig1_267629390. Accessed 14 June 2023.
“Making Britain.” Progressive Writers’ Association | Making Britain, www.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/makingbritain/content/progressive-writers-association. Accessed 10 May 2023.
Mustafa, Ghulam, and Adil Nawaz. “The Separation Of East Pakistan: Socio-Economic Factors .” Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, vol. 2, no. 1, Jan. 2014.
Naseem. “Faiz Ahmad Faiz.” Sher-o-Sukhan, 9 Dec. 2016, www.urdushayari.in/2011/10/faiz-ahmad-faiz.html.
“Partition: Why Was British India Divided 75 Years Ago?” BBC News, BBC, 14 Aug. 2022, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-62467438.
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Zaman, Yusuf. “Mian Iftikharuddin: A Keeper of the Nation’s Conscience.” Criterion Quarterly , 2022, criterion-quarterly.com/mian-iftikharuddin-a-keeper-of-the-nations-conscience/.
Zakaria, Anam. “Remembering the War of 1971 in East Pakistan.” Opinions | Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 16 Dec. 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2019/12/16/remembering-the-war-of-1971-in-east-pakistan.
Ziring, Lawrence. “Militarism in Pakistan.” Asian Affairs: An American Review, vol. 1, no. 6, 1974, pp. 402–420., https://doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1974.10587738.
Articles from Lail-o-Nihar:
“African Delegates’ Conference in Libya”. Lail-o-Nihar, 30th November. 1970, p.42
Al-Azam, Abu. “King of the Jungle”. Lail-o-Nihar, 8th March. 1970, p.29
“America’s Internal Contradictions”. Lail-o-Nihar, 8th March. 1970, p.12
Jalandhari, Hafeez. “Farmer”. Lail-o-Nihar. 1st March. 1970, p.43
Jalib, Habib. “Islam is not the One in Danger”. Lail-o-Nihar, 22nd February. 1970, p. 25
“Kisaan Conference”. Lail-o-Nihar, 29th March. 1970, p.3-4
“Not to Obstruct the Path of Palestinian Jihad”. Lail-o-Nihar, 22nd February. 1970, p.9
“Not to Obstruct the Path of Palestinian Jihad”. Lail-o-Nihar, 22nd February. 1970, p.9
Raheem, Abdul, “The United States has provided weapons worth millions of dollars to crush the Mujahideen of Eritrea”. Lail-o-Nihar, 30th November. 1970, p.19
Sardar, Raja Anwar. “Student Protests against Ayub Khan”. Lail-o-Nihar, 15th March. 1970, p.37-38
Urooj, Abdul Rauf. “Ye Log”. Lail-o-Nihar, 8th March. 1970, p.16
“We Are all United at Toba Tek Singh”. Lail-o-Nihar, 15th April. 1970, p.23
The Progressive Writers’ Association
Members of the Progressive Writers’ Association (Sibte Hasan, Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Hameed Akhtar and Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi). Source: Herald
Both Mian Iftikharuddin and Faiz Ahmed Faiz belonged to the Progressive Writers’ Association (PWA). In fact, most editors and journalists who contributed to Lail-o-Nihar were staunch supporters of the PWA. Therefore, most articles and literary works present within the magazine represented the ideologies propagated by the group. Thus, exploring the beliefs of the PWA would help one understand the concerns addressed in Lail-o-Nihar.
The Progressive Writers’ Association was established in 1953 by South Asian writers and intellectuals. Their first manifesto called for “radical changes” and declared that their writings voiced the concerns of the common man by addressing issues such as poverty, social injustice, and political subjugation. The group, mainly consisting of students, gathered every few weeks and held literary circles where they discussed and critiqued various pieces of writing.
When Partition occurred, two separate branches of the PWA began operating in India and Pakistan, respectively, with Sajjad Zaheer leading the latter. The work of Progressive writers (mainly in the form of poetry) aimed to highlight subaltern experiences. They focused on the struggles of the common man and condemned the indulgences of the elites. Hence, the authors explore nationwide agitations and unrest. Some saw these princes as propaganda, while others believed them to be artistic masterpieces that intertwined politics with aesthetics.
Immediately after its formation, the association began attracting the state’s attention. It was perceived as a threat, and in 1951, the PWA was banned on charges of attempting to overthrow the government. During this time, hundreds of left-leaning writers were arrested and persecuted, forcing several into exile. The repression of the PWA continued till 1958, when Ayub Khan declared Martial Law. It wasn’t until 2015 that the PWA remobilized and began meeting on a regular basis.
Majaz Lakhnawi summed up the achievements of the Progressive Writers in a quatrain, which was later translated by Humayun Zafar Zaidi.
Human intellect, in the darkness of superstitions, the hard,
stormy dark night,
if nothing else, has at least dreamt of a dawn.
where none had looked hitherto,
has looked up to that morning.
Mian Iftikharuddin
In 1907, Mian Iftikharuddin was born in Baghbanpura. After completing his intermediary education in Lahore, he went to Oxford, where he obtained his bachelor’s degree. While receiving higher education, Mian Iftikharuddin was deeply influenced by communist ideologies and, thus, began his lifelong interest in left-wing politics and socialism.
Mian Iftikharuddin. Source: Criterion Quarterly
Upon his return to the Subcontinent, the individual inhabited the political sphere and became one of the first Muslims to be elected to state-level positions as a candidate of Congress and in Hindu and Sikh-dominated regions. However, by 1945, Iftikharuddin began to support the Muslim demand for self-determination and joined the Muslim League. After Partition, he joined the Punjab cabinet division and proposed reforms advocating refugee rehabilitation. Unfortunately, his ideas were met with silence, causing him to resign from his position. Nonetheless, he continued to advocate for the rights of minorities across the country.
Mian Iftikharuddin was the only individual who condemned Liaqat Ali Khan’s 1949 Objectives Resolution. He argued that the “passive democracy” presented within the Resolution did not guarantee “social justice, economic freedom, and equality”. As a result, it safeguarded the rights of the Muslim elites, overlooking the democratic freedom of minorities. His political career came to a halt in 1958 when President Ayub Khan imposed the Martial Law. However, as a political leader, Mian Iftikharuddin was also a pioneer of Urdu journalism.
In 1946, he established the Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) alongside fellow Muslim League leaders. A year later, the publishing house produced an English daily newspaper called the Pakistan Times, edited by Faiz Ahmed Faiz. Soon after, the PPL began to publish Imroze (a daily magazine) and Lail-o-Nihar. Most of these publications advocated for the Muslim League’s causes and later propagated left-wing ideas.
Things began to change in 1959 when Ayub Khan’s regime took over the PPL. While demanding free press, the editor, Mazhar Ali, resigned from his post. Contrastingly, Mian Iftikharuddin continued to fight a legal battle in hopes of regaining control of the PPL. Unfortunately, the journalist lost and was not provided any compensation.
He spent his life advocating for social justice and brought attention to issues such as the rights of refugees and the freedom of the press. Mian Iftikharuddin died at the age of 54 and left behind an unforgettable legacy.
Faiz Ahmed Faiz
“If dreams are thwarted, then yearning must take their place
If reunion is impossible, then longing must take its place.”
Faiz Ahmed Faiz was the first Chief Editor of Lail-o-Nihar. However, he was revered long before he obtained this position. Born in 1911, Faiz was introduced to the world of literature at a very young age. His formal education began at the school of Moulvi Ibrahim Sialkoti, where he learned Urdu, Persian, and Arabic. He then attended the Scotch Mission High School, followed by Murray College, Sialkot, where he finished his intermediary studies. Soon after, Faiz completed his undergraduate degree in Arabic from the Government College, Lahore, and in 1932, he obtained a Master’s in English Literature from the same university.
Before joining the Army in 1942 as Captain, Faiz Ahmed Faiz was a lecturer of English at the M.A.O College in Amritsar and later worked at the Hailey College of Commerce, Lahore. Upon his release from the armed forces, the writer became the first editor-in-chief of a local newspaper called The Pakistan Times. In 1959, Faiz was appointed Secretary of the Pakistan Arts Council, where he worked till he was appointed Principal of Abdullah Haroon College in Karachi.
Faiz Ahmed Faiz. Source: The Urdu Writers
Faiz wrote several works throughout his life, including best-selling modern poetry and Urdu ghazals. Irrespective of the genre, he wrote social and political commentaries, most of which challenged the violence during the wars of 1947 and 1971. Furthermore, during his career, the author distinguished himself as a journalist as he became editor of magazines such as Adabe-Latif (1947-1958) and Lail-o-Nihar. Remarkably, even in exile, he continued to edit the pro-communist magazine Lotus.
While Faiz Ahmed Faiz is renowned throughout Pakistan, one must acknowledge his international recognition. For instance, several of his works have been translated into Russian and used to condemn the tyranny of dictatorship. His global and local achievements led to him being nominated for the Nobel Prize after his passing in 1984.
Popular Protests Overview
While covering a wide range of topics and themes, from literature and culture to politics and current affairs, one recurring issue that Lail-o-Nihar covers is the protests and demonstrations across Pakistan.
One prominent example is the student-led protests against Ayub Khan’s government in the 1960s. During this time, students from various universities and colleges across the country rallied against the dictatorship policies of the government, demanding their right to freedom of expression and an end to authoritarianism.
In addition to student protests, the magazine also covers the struggles of farmers who stand up against feudal systems and laws that have long oppressed them. Through their protests and demonstrations, farmers challenge the status quo and demand better working conditions and fair compensation for their labor.
Interestingly, the magazine’s coverage of rural protests serves as a reminder of the power dynamics between urban and rural classes. While the urban elite may underestimate the rural class, Lail-o-Nihar sheds light on the emerging rebellious power of rural communities as they demand their rights and refuse to be silenced. The magazine’s coverage of these protests serves as a reminder that the struggles of ordinary people, regardless of their background or social status, should not be overlooked or dismissed.
Sardar, Raja Anwar. “Student Protests against Ayub Khan”. Lail-o-Nihar, 15th March. 1970, p.37
Sardar, Raja Anwar. “Student Protests against Ayub Khan”. Lail-o-Nihar, 15th March. 1970, p.38
Voices of Resilience: Student Protests
The magazine contains articles where students recount their personal involvement in the student union and the protests against Ayub Khan. In one such article titled “Students Protest Against Ayub Khan,” the author, Raja Anwar Sajad reflects on the reasons behind the student protests, including economic injustice, political and social restrictions, and a desire for a better future. The author also emphasizes the importance of students standing up against stereotypes and political boundaries. The text provides insights into the students’ struggles, actions, and the government’s response.
The following is a snippet of this struggle (and an excerpt from the main article) :
“I vividly remember the night of November 6th when we had planned to stage a demonstration. Little did we know that it would go down in the history of our country. I was residing in a hostel at the time, and after several disappointed students had retired to their rooms, some of them entered mine. We engaged in a lengthy discussion and concluded that we needed to gather more students and initiate a protest. We decided to keep our preparations a secret due to Ayub Khan’s Article 44, as we feared that if the college authorities got wind of our plans, the police would be stationed at the college gates the next morning. Despite this risk, we were determined to proceed, and even if we were unsuccessful, we agreed to gather every five years to continue the struggle.”
Through this personal lens, the article sheds light on the human side of the protests, highlighting the students’ determination, resilience, and sense of collective responsibility. It emphasizes their commitment to standing up against injustice and their willingness to take risks despite potential repercussions. This approach humanizes the protesters, making their struggles and actions more tangible and relatable to readers.
The significance of Lail-o-Nihar lies in its ability to provide a space for such protesters and their stories. The magazine amplifies the voices of those involved in social and political movements by offering a platform for personal narratives and accounts. It plays a crucial role in documenting and preserving the experiences of individuals who have actively participated in shaping their society.
“Kisaan Conference”
▴ “Kisaan Conference”. Lail-o-Nihar, 29th March. 1970, p.3
▴ “Kisaan Conference”. Lail-o-Nihar, 29th March. 1970, p.4
Beyond Superficiality
Progressive movements often receive limited attention in the mainstream press and are overlooked. The limited attention they do receive tends to be predominantly negative. However, magazines like Lail-o-Nihar play a crucial role in providing a platform for these movements. They go beyond mere reporting by offering comprehensive analysis and contextual understanding of these events. This aspect is recognized in the article Kissan Conference:
“Neither our newspapers nor our politics have ever deemed them (farmer’s conferences) worthy of attention. Recently, the Toba Tek Singh Kisan Conference has been a topic of discussion in almost every newspaper. While these newspapers provide a summary of the speeches of most political leaders, they fail to mention the exact nature or significance of the conference. The most intriguing reaction came from Lahore’s newspapers, which call every public-interest effort anti-patriotic or anti-Islam.”
The article then mentions the significance of the Toba Tek Singh Conference and provides a nuanced perspective on the event, translated as follows:
“This gathering made it clear that political awareness and consciousness are no longer the monopoly of the white-clad classes of the cities. The speechless creatures in the villages have realized that they also have a voice. The conference also highlighted that political parties that are not ready to unite on the political platform, despite partial agreement, can come together on the platform of a class organization. This conference created a new path of unity and cooperation among sympathetic parties, where even a little persistence can change the direction of our political life…
The conference primarily focused on general, political, and ideological issues of the country such as elections, economic systems, and civil rights, neglecting to address the specific problems faced by local farmers. The daily challenges encountered by typical small farmers, laborers, and farm workers were not adequately discussed. These individuals face numerous difficulties, including exploitation by landlords and corrupt officials, leaving them vulnerable and oppressed. The conference failed to propose practical solutions to these issues, which are deeply rooted in the current system.
Furthermore, the lack of a predetermined topic for speakers often leads to the repetition of certain points and the omission of critical subjects. The speakers’ speeches tend to lack the necessary depth and thought required for meaningful mental training and development of the people. While successful gatherings and conferences are essential for any movement or organization, they alone cannot create lasting change without proper action and the formation of an organized movement.”
Instead of presenting a superficial and idealized version of the conference, the article delves into the specific issues that deserve critical examination. This approach enables readers to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the event, including its strengths and weaknesses. By confronting the flaws and examining the conference’s significance in light of these limitations, Lail-o-Nihar fosters a more informed and balanced perspective, encouraging readers to critically evaluate the event and consider the broader implications for the farmer’s movement and the pursuit of meaningful change.
Ultimately, Lail-o-Nihar’s contribution to the farmer’s movement and its coverage of crucial political times reflects the magazine’s commitment to being an agent of social and political change. The magazine here is a forum for generating awareness and fostering dialogue among readers. It helps shape public discourse by challenging prevailing narratives generated by the mainstream media and offering alternative viewpoints. Its coverage of the farmer’s movement contributes to the momentum of the farmer’s movement, encouraging readers to understand the challenges faced by rural communities and to engage in efforts to address their concerns actively.
All Excerpts Translated by Fatima Saeed
“We Are all United at Toba Tek Singh”
“We Are all United at Toba Tek Singh”. Lail-o-Nihar, 15th April. 1970, p.24
“We Are all United at Toba Tek Singh”. Lail-o-Nihar, 15th April. 1970, p.24
United in Toba Tek Singh
The article is written by a “Special Correspondent of Lail-o-Nihar.” It discusses the Farmer’s movement that originated in Toba Tek Singh, which began on a small scale and gained widespread attention. The article highlights the importance of rural areas in the country’s development and the awareness and struggles of farmers. The text also touches on the poor management of the National Awami Party and the need for leaders to understand the issues rural communities face. It describes the excitement and high expectations surrounding the movement’s leaders’ arrival in Lahore, the challenges faced during the journey, and the support garnered from people from all walks of life. Finally, it discusses the hope for common ground between the movement’s leaders and Bhutto to create a more powerful force.
“For a while, we were aware of the farmer conferences organized by Maulana Bhashani in East Pakistan. This made us feel a bit inferior and realize that we were lagging in political awareness compared to our East Pakistani brothers. Our leaders mostly reside in cities and towns and are content with their lives there. However, the country’s heart and soul lie in its villages, where people work hard and lead simple lives. They are not concerned about material possessions and are not bothered by any damage caused to their cars.
The urban elite have a misguided notion that peasants are uneducated and dirty and don’t understand politics or the government’s functioning. But the truth is that the farmers are aware of their rights and the issues they face. They don’t have the luxuries of flush toilets or bathing suits, nor do they have the habit of reading newspapers. Our leaders and politicians need to understand that creating a government, formulating political ideas, and making a constitution is the work of the educated elite, but plowing the fields and living a simple life are equally important.
Maulana Bhashani, who has spent sixty years working as a farmer, knows this better than anyone else. He understands that the farmers are not lazy or unaware but have been suppressed for too long. Even though those in power don’t listen to them, they refuse to be silenced. The fields resonate with their slogans and ideals, and they will not stop until their voices are heard.”
Maulana Bashani
The publication shows that Lail-o-Nihar recognizes the importance of raising awareness about farmers’ and rural communities’ challenges, advocating for their rights, and calling for societal change. The article serves as a call to protest, urging readers to recognize the significance of grassroots movements and the power of collective action. By featuring such narratives, Lail-o-Nihar encourages its readers to empathize with the struggles of ordinary individuals and actively participate in efforts to address social and political injustices. It aims to inspire its audience to engage in meaningful dialogue, advocate for change, and work towards a more equitable and just society.
Translated by Fatima Saeed
Revolutionary Internationalism Overview
One of the prominent themes explored in Lail-o-Nahar is the portrayal of revolutionary momentum and global ideas that resonate throughout its covers. The magazine exhibits a progressive perspective, emphasizing armed struggles for independence and their endorsement. Notably, Lail-o-Nihar exhibits a critical stance towards American imperialism, fearlessly highlighting the Western world’s inconsistent application of ideals like “freedom and liberation.” The recurring topic of Israel and Palestine within the magazine reflects the heightened significance attributed to the Muslim struggle for independence within the Pakistani context.
Eritrean Rebels against Ethiopia
Raheem, Abdul, “The United States has provided weapons worth millions of dollars to crush the Mujahideen of Eritrea”. Lail-o-Nihar, 30th November. 1970, p.19
Raheem, Abdul, “The United States has provided weapons worth millions of dollars to crush the Mujahideen of Eritrea”. Lail-o-Nihar, 30th November. 1970, p.20
Eritrea was engaged in a long struggle for independence from Ethiopia. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) was one of the main rebel groups fighting for independence. The article published in the magazine reports that America provided 10 million dollar weaponry to Eritrea to crush the “revolution.”
This was recently admitted by Senator William Fulbright who gave details of the form of the assistance America has been providing to Eritrea. The article goes in further details of how Eritrea became a part of Ethiopia. As far as documented history goes, After World War II, the UN took over the administration of Eritrea from its former colonizer, Britain. In 1950, the UN passed Resolution 390 (V), which called for the federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia. This decision was largely influenced by geopolitical considerations and attempts to find a compromise between the desires of the Eritrean population for independence and Ethiopia’s claim over the territory.
The article suggests that the UN’s decision was because the imperialist superpower, the US, pushed for Eritrea to be part of Africa because it wanted to establish spy centers and extend its naval presence on the African continent. With its coastline of 470 miles, Eritrea was viewed as strategically valuable. Eritrea became a “sacrificial lamb,” and this historical context instigated the struggle for independence.
“Not to Obstruct the Path of Palestinian Jihad”. Lail-o-Nihar, 22nd February. 1970, p.9
“Not to Obstruct the Path of Palestinian Jihad”. Lail-o-Nihar, 22nd February. 1970, p.10-11
The Arab World and the Palestinian Revolution
The article “Not to obstruct the path of Palestinian Jihad” reflects a pro-Palestinian and anti-imperialist stance while contextualizing the dynamic between America and certain Arab countries, calling them out for not supporting the Palestinian revolution. The article’s pro-Palestinian stance would likely resonate with the audience since Pakistan has long supported the Palestinian cause and has been critical of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories.
“The pace of events in the Middle East is now so fast that by the time these lines pass your eyes, the map of events may have changed there. In response to the conciliatory proposals of the Soviet Union, the US insists that we will be equally armed with Israel, the conference of the heads of warring Arab states in Cairo, the increasing attacks of the Israelis on the border areas of Egypt, and Syria, and the increasing number of Palestinian Mujahideen activities are the news through which the direction of the wind can be determined.”
“Everyone knows that America is the real source behind Zionist imperialism. America’s Jewish capitalists give Israel billions of Arab dollars. And they provide technology and expertise. In addition to this, the American government has become the backbone id Israel and provide the country with modern day weapons of war, specifically aircraft. It has even allowed Americans to be a part of Israeli army… Saudi Arab, Bahrain, Kuwait, and other Arab countries’ oil should be banned for American companies. Because the capitalist class does not understand the language of truth and justice. However it is only when the money is at stake, it fixes their minds. This more than unlimited money that comes from oil benefits either the US or the Saudi Kings and both these do not like Arab Democratic movements and Palestinian freedom.”
The article’s anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist standing reflects the magazine’s place in the bipolarity of the international world. It shows a critique of the global power structures that were in place during the time when many developing countries were struggling to assert their independence in the face of neocolonialism, which was characterized by economic and political domination by Western powers. Its criticism of America’s support for Israel reflects a belief that the country was exploiting the resources and people of the developing world for its benefit. Furthermore, while the Arab countries were still pro-Palestinian at the time, the article speculates that their shared capitalist agendas with America might come in the way of their support in the future.
African Delegates’ Conference in Libya
The following is the translation of a part of the article “African Delegates’ Conference in Libya,” highlighting the condemnation of Western imperialism:
African and Asian Countries’ Union and cooperation council’s ninth meeting was held in the western city of Libya, where 320 representatives from seventy countries participated. The benefit of the most important resolution being approved is that the USSR and other participating countries are established as the best allies of African and Asian countries. America, Britain, France, Western Germany, Japan, Israel, Spain, Portugal, and Southern Africa’s imperialism was condemned. America was specifically said to be the fortress of imperialism. There, plans against different countries are made. Conspiracies are created. Military and economic plans are strategized. Britain, Western Germany, Japan, Israel, Spain, Portugal, and Southern Africa are only America’s tools. Some less and some more, but France’s policies after Charles De Gaulle’s resignation are not the same as they were under his leadership.
In the resolution, this truth was revealed that the USSR and accompanying countries, and especially China have this specialty that when they help a country, the aim is to benefit the said country, such that the country is self-sufficient enough to deal with its problems. And that it actually succeeds and is not influenced by the imperialist states. On the other hand, the Western democratic countries only help other countries to suit their own interests.
By publishing this article, Lail-o-Nihar showcases its commitment to offering a platform for marginalized perspectives and exposing the workings of power structures that often go unchallenged. The magazine seeks to inform its readership about the actions and behaviors of powerful nations, encouraging critical thinking and fostering a deeper understanding of global affairs.
Furthermore, the article’s emphasis on the dangers posed by the United States’ interference and its role in perpetuating conflict in peace-loving states, particularly concerning Israel, reveals Lail-o-Nihar’s dedication to addressing the consequences of such actions. The magazine aims to raise awareness about the impact of geopolitical dynamics on vulnerable communities and advocate for a more just and peaceful world.
Who is Funding Israel?
A part of the publication called “America’s Internal Contradictions” claims that Israel is gaining support from all around the capitalist world. It reports:
You can understand this by analysing the conferences held every year in Jureselum… where the delegations not only talk about strengthening Israel, but they discuss different country’s political protection, the influence of their participation in the world politics, and liberation movements in them. And here it is decided what to do in each of these countries and how much money would that require. But mostly, their focus in on the Eastern countries. The conference has those capitalist countries present that extreact and have control over oil and other natural resources of the Eastern countries that need their protection. Keeping this context in mind, you understand the reality of many poliical movements.
The author claims that the primary objective of such conferences (sometimes held in secret) extends beyond the mere discussion of the aforementioned issues; it involves mobilizing aid funds to support Israel. The article provides a brief context of the mechanisms employed to gather financial contributions for Israel, shedding light on the underlying motivations of the involved countries. This scrutiny reveals a lack of genuine concern for human welfare on the part of the nations involved.
Translated by Ayan Saad Raja
Revolutionary Narratives in Literary Expression Overview
Revolutionary and left-wing messaging, while constant throughout the magazine, is presented through the literary form as well. This includes both poetry and prose. These pieces of literature and literary analysis or commentary make the magazine’s revolutionary messages more accessible and often provide a rallying call of sorts, especially through poetry. This is significant since poetry, particularly that by figures such as Habib Jalib and Faiz Ahmad Faiz, has remained an integral part of progressive and anti-authoritarian movements within Pakistan. The literary content of Lail o Nihar follows this trend, covering social and political issues in its literary content.
Islam is not the One in Danger
“Islam is not the One in Danger” is a poem by Habib Jalib, a famed poet, political activist, and one of Pakistan’s premier left-wing figures. The poem responds to the oft-cited idea that Islam is in danger within Pakistan, often being used as a rallying call for various political agendas. The magazine covers such an instance where this idea was commonplace within Islamia College Lahore to justify right-wing government and administration actions. Jalib’s poem is a direct antithesis to these ideas, with the titular claim of the poem. In doing so, Jalib is not only critiquing the usage of Islam as a political tool but simultaneously is critical of institutions, ideas, and people that he sees in opposition to the magazine’s left-wing ideals.
The poem generally refers to state institutions, talking about how they are in danger in reality. The list of items under fire here includes American sympathizers, landlords, war-mongers, western influence, wealthy land-owning families, and feudal lords, amongst many others. The overall point of this poem appears to be placing a sort of target for the revolution on these items by claiming once again that they are in danger. The revolutionary messaging here strongly links to Jalib and the magazine’s anti-establishment sentiments.
Jalib, Habib. “Islam is not the One in Danger”. Lail-o-Nihar, 22nd February. 1970, p. 25
Agents of Division in “Ye Log”
Urooj, Abdul Rauf. “Ye Log”. Lail-o-Nihar, 8th March. 1970, p.19
Ye Log (These People) was written by Abdur Rauf Urooj, a poet, journalist, and musician. This poem critiques religious intolerance and the abuse of religion as a means to political and financial ends at large. In doing so, Urooj is also critical of the institutions these people inhabit and, as he claims, often run. The criticisms are their profiteering from religion, hypocrisy, and willingness to be trigger-happy. Generally, the poem also comments on the hatred and intolerance within society caused by these people, with specific mentions of them needlessly issuing fatwas and creating divides along the lines of religion and sect.
The poem also criticizes the institutions that promote and are often run by these people, labeling them profit-generating machines. They are also presented as a blockade against the social and political progress the left is trying to make in the country. The poem ends on a hopeful note on how time and progress will trample and overcome these people and all the issues they create, as detailed throughout the poem.
Through such publications, Lail-o-Nihar does not shy away from exposing the realities of religious intolerance, the exploitation of faith for personal gain, and the harmful impact of divisive ideologies promoted by certain individuals and institutions. By shedding light on these issues, the publication compels readers to confront the uncomfortable realities that hinder social and political progress. It is a powerful reminder that change and progress can only be achieved by openly acknowledging and addressing these flaws, fostering a collective responsibility to build a more inclusive and tolerant society. The commitment to presenting such discomforting truths reflects its dedication to challenging the status quo and inspiring readers to critically engage with the societal dynamics perpetuating these flaws.
The King of the Jungle
Kalila wa-Dimna is an Arabic book based on the Sanskrit Panchatantra (Five Discourses). It nears the form of a fable and, through the interactions between animals in a jungle, is able to provide commentary on human morals and politics. The magazine and this article by Abu Alazam provide the historical context behind this book and then delve into the commentary that the book is able to provide.
Through the image of the king of the jungle, the article adapts the meaning as a critique of authoritarian and undemocratic rule. It follows a charismatic leader, who can assume absolute control over the jungle, and molds it to his will. This then leads to a decline in the well-being of every jungle resident, as a rule of fear sets in. The ruler then, in his self-serving nature, focuses on profiting from his dominion as much as possible.
Al-Azam, Abu. “King of the Jungle”. Lail-o-Nihar, 8th March. 1970, p.29 Article on Kalila wa-Dumna
Al-Azam, Abu. “King of the Jungle”. Lail-o-Nihar, 8th March. 1970, p.30
The article creates a strong sense of foreboding, especially by repeatedly emphasizing how despite this story being about animals, it applies perfectly well to humans. It also suggests that these rulers and leaders do not come from outside but are born and raised within our existing social structures, further cementing the sort of warning that the article aims to provide.
The Farmer’s Plight
Jalandhari, Hafeez. “Farmer”. Lail-o-Nihar, 1st March. 1970, p.43 Hafeez Jalandhari's poem Farmers
This poem is titled Farmers and is written by Hafeez Jalandhari, known most popularly for penning the National Anthem of Pakistan. The poem chronicles everything that he believes farmers contribute to the country, which for Jalandhari, makes up one of if not the most integral roles in the country. The credit for the livelihood and sustenance is placed on the shoulders of the farmers. This emphasis on the farmer’s roles within the country is followed by questioning their place in society. Jalandhari observes them to be struggling within the country in terms of social and financial standing. This disparity is examined and critiqued by Jalndhari.
By the aforementioned questioning, the poem calls into question the systems that place farmers in this position and encourages them to do the same. In these terms, he rallies and encourages them to band together and not be limited by the restrictions placed upon them. Pakistan being an agriculture-based economy, especially at that time, makes the poem’s claims even more pertinent, and it serves as a socialist critique of wealth accumulation and its implication in terms of art, education, and culture.
Lail-o-Nihar | لیل و نہار
In 1957, Mian Iftikharuddin’s publishing house, Progressive Papers Limited, began to produce a weekly magazine called Lail-o-Nihar. One of the magazine’s first editors was the renowned writer Syed Sibte Hassan while author Faiz Ahmed Faiz was its Chief Editor. Both individuals and the founder belonged to the left-wing intellectual group in Pakistan, commonly known as the Progressive Writers Association. However, despite his political inclinations, Mian Iftikharuddin never imposed his ideologies upon the editors.
For instance, right-wing columnist Abdul Qadir Hasan was given autonomy over the thematic concerns of his publications and, consequently, could publish articles that did not have communist or socialist undertones. Hence, on the one hand, several editors of Lail-o-Nihar supported the ideology of socialism and were staunchly against American imperialism. Therefore, several articles found in the magazine propagated beliefs that the Progressive Writers Association widely held. In contrast, intermittently, one could find literature on religious and nationalistic sentiments.
Over the next few years, several reputable Urdu authors wrote for the magazine. This list includes Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, Ishfaq Ahmed, and Sufi Ghulam Mustafa Tabassum. Similarly, Lail-o-Nihar covered a wide range of topics, from film reviews to reports on nationwide protests. However, the magazine underwent a sudden transformation in 1958. When President Ayub Khan declared Martial Law across Pakistan, he banned all left-wing activities. As a result, armed forces raided Progressive Papers Limited and nationalized all its publications, including Lail-o-Nahar. Moreover, left-oriented editors were arrested, including Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Zaheer Babar. During Ayub’s regime, the magazine ceased publication as most writers were imprisoned or in exile.
In this teaching tool, the authors have expanded and translated various articles that were published in four issues of Lail-o-Nihar, which was released in 1970. The first section of the tool provides context to the time in which the magazine was published and provides historicity into the political unrest that plagued Pakistan at the time. Simultaneously, it also highlights brief biographies of the primary editors of the magazine. The second section analyzes the articles that highlight revolutionary movements across the globe, including those in Palestine and Eritrea. Thirdly, the teaching tool explores the depiction and reportage of local protests, such as student riots and the mobilization of farmers. The last section covers how the magazine propagated revolutionary ideology through literature.